As Nigeria marks its 52nd independence anniversary on Monday, OLUSOLA FABIYIwrites about those that have ruled the country since 1960
Going by the projected lifespan of a Nigerian, majority of those born before independence on Oct. 1, 1960 might have died now. Some of those born in the year of independence may also be preparing for the eternal journey. This is because the life expectancy of an average Nigerian is put at 52. This is according to the website of the Central Intelligence Agency World Fact Book.
But either through sheer luck or providence, many of those born in Nigeria before and during independence are still around. Just as a national football coach would put it, this set of Nigerians are wobbling and fumbling into early old age even when they are still relatively young.
But they never thought old age would visit them so early. No thanks to the chequered political history of the country itself, which might have been as a result of leadership inadequacies and maladministration in the country.
In the beginning
Oct.1, 1960 was a remarkable date for Nigerians. It was the day they gained independence from the the British colonial masters. Like every free slave, the people rejoiced and had the hope of a better tomorrow. While Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was made the ceremonial President of the Republic from Oct. 1, 1960, the real power was in the hands of Alhaji Tafawa Balewa. He was appointed prime minister of the Nigerian federation in 1957, and after independence in 1960, he remained in that post.
Unfortunately, he and some other leaders were killed during the Jan. 15, 1966 coup d’état. The coup was planned and executed by young military officers, who were angry with the corruption and nepotism that characterised the Balewa government. The young military officers that led the coup were mostly of the rank of major in the army. They included Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Emmanuel Ifeajuna, Adewale Adegboyega, Donatus Okafor, Christian Anuforo, Humphrey Chukwuka and Timothy Onwuatuegwu.
Despite that many Nigerians, both military and civilians, were killed during the coup, these officers were unable to secure power. No thanks to the bravery of the likes of the late Maj.-Gen. Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi.
Enter Aguiyi-Ironsi (Jan. 16, 1966 – July 29, 1966)
The lot to lead the now factionalised country and tribalised Army fell on Aguiyi-Ironsi. After quelling the coup d’état with the help of some other officers, he arrested and detained Nzeogwu and his gang. But since he was said not to be one of the coup plotters and was not ready for the leadership role that was bestowed on him hastily, he was said not to know what to do with power. There was no blueprint on how to move the country forward and how to urgently pacify the restive Army, which had been divided along ethnic lines. Consequently, he went on to establish a unitary system of government. His refusal to take a decisive action against the coup plotters led to his assassination six months later by another set of young military officers from the northern part of the country, who were angry over the killing of prominent northern leaders during the Nzeogwu-led coup. Among those that were killed during the coup were Balewa, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello; and the Premier of Western Region, Chief Samuel Akintola and many more. The northern elements in the army were visibly angry. On July 29, 1966, while Aguiyi-Ironsi was at the Government House in Ibadan, northern troops led by Maj. Theophilus Danjuma and Capt. Martin Adamu stormed the building. They seized the head of state and his host, Lt.-Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, stripped them naked and flogged them before killing them. Those who played major roles in the coup that ousted Aguiyi-Ironsi included Murtala Muhammed, John Atom Kpera, Muhammed Shuwa, Jerry Useni and Joseph Garba. The coup was staged on July 29, 1966.
Yakubu Gowon’s era (Aug. 1, 1966 – July 29, 1975)
The plotters later named young and unmarried Lt.-Col. Yakubu Gowon the new Head of State on Aug. 1, 1966. He was 32 years old. Though a Northerner, Gowon is neither a Hausa/Fulani nor a Muslim. But he was said to have been picked by the coup plotters in order to assuage the feelings of Nigerians that the coup was aimed at avenging the killings of northern Muslim leaders. Gowon is an Ngas from Lur, a small village in the present Kande Local Government Area of Plateau State.
His regime was characterised by the Civil War, which started on May 30, 1967 and ended on Jan. 13, 1970. Despite the war, he was able to keep Nigeria together and make some achievements during his tenure.
He was credited with the development of the country’s former capital city, Lagos, into an international city. He also created 12 states and introduced odd and even number plates to manage traffic in Lagos. He was credited with the building of the of Eko Bridge, National Arts Theatre, Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, Murtala Mohammad International Airport, second generation universities like those in Benin, Ilorin, Jos, Calabar, Sokoto, Port Harcourt and some Federal Government Colleges.
His regime was said to have been able to achieve a little because of his ability to attract knowledgeable people such as Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Simeon Adebo, Jerome Udoji, Phillip Asiodu and Allison Ayida. These people were said to be the brains behind the regime, especially during the Civil War.
His government was able to make a lot of money from oil. During the oil boom, his administration enacted the Indigenisation Decree of 1972. This law declared many sectors of the Nigerian economy off-limits to all foreign investments, while ruling out more than minority participation by foreigners in several other areas.
Murtala Mohammed takes his turn (July 29, 1975 –Feb. 13, 1976)
Unknown to many people, the real brain behind the coup that brought Gowon to power was Lt.-Col. Murtala Mohammed. He was the one who led other troops from the northern part of the country to seize the Ikeja Airport in Lagos during the coup. He was said to have wanted to be made the head of state ahead of Gowon, but he was junior to the latter in rank. Moreover, he was said not to have the support of the British and the American governments. The coup that later brought him to power was planned and executed by some disgruntled officers, who were also part of the coup that installed Gowon. They included Theophilus Danjuma, Jerry Useni, Muhammad Shuwa, Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, Ibrahim Babangida, John Atom Kpera and Joe Garba. Gowon was sacked while attending the meeting of the Organisation of African Unity in Kampala, Uganda. These officers were said to be angry that they were excluded from government’s patronage after helping Gowon to fight the Civil War. They hide under the flimsy excuse that Gowon’s announcement of Oct. 1, 1974 on his promise to hand over power to a civilian government in 1976 was tantamount to betrayal of trust.
Mohammed, who knew about the plot, decided to take a precautionary trip to London to avoid being asked to follow Gowon to Kampala on the day of the coup. But as soon as Col. Joe Garba announced the coup, Mohammed left London for Nigeria. His aircraft was allowed to land despite the claim that all airports must be closed.
After the successful operation, they made Mohammed the head of state, while Olusegun Obasanjo was named his deputy. The regime made Nigeria an observer member of the Organisation of Islamic Countries, which was considered as a northern agenda nursed by Ahmadu Bello. On assumption of office, Mohammed scrapped the 1973 census result and reverted to the 1963 census for official purposes. He sacked more than 10,000 top civil servants without benefits, on account of age, health, incompetence or malpractices. Some of them were arraigned before the courts for corruption. He began the demobilisation of 100,000 troops from the swollen ranks of the Armed Forces.
He reserved 12 out of the 25 ministerial posts in the new cabinet for civilians. His government took over the operation of the then two largest newspapers. Also, on Feb. 3, 1976, following recommendations of the Aguda panel, Muhammed announced that the federal capital would be moved “to a federal territory of about 8,000 square kilometres in the central part of the country.” He also created seven new states and announced a political transition programme to culminate in the handover to a civilian government on Oct. 1, 1979. But since there were other ambitious officers like him in the army, Mohammed was assassinated in the morning of Feb. 13, 1976. He was killed along with his aide-de-camp, Lt. Akintunde Akinsehinwa in an abortive coup attempt led by Lt.-Col. Buka Dimka.
Obasanjo’s first coming (Feb. 14, 1976 – Sept. 30, 1979)
The Dimka coup failed. It was foiled by forces rallied by the Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-Gen. Theophilus Danjuma. Mohammed’s deputy, Lt.-Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, was subsequently installed the new head of state. His government embarked on a ‘Green Revolution’ campaign by distributing seeds and fertiliser to farmers to increase nation-wide productivity in farming. His government was accused of intolerance of criticism. Till date, many Nigerians and especially, the family of legendary musician, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, still believe that the government of Obasanjo sent military personnel to raid his (Fela) residence. The late musician and members of his household were severely beaten, which allegedly led to the death of his mother, Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, who was thrown out of the window. Her coffin was carried to the then seat of power at Dodan Barracks in Lagos as a form of protest.
Nigerians, however, forgot his shortcomings when on Oct. 1, 1979 he became the first military head of state to have handed over to a civilian government. That day, Obasanjo handed over power to Alhaji Shehu Shagari. He refused to tamper with the transition programme as released by his predecessor, Mohammed.
Unprepared Shagari in the saddle (Oct. 1, 1979–Dec. 31, 1983)
The ambition of Alhaji Shehu Shagari was to become a senator, but the powers-that-be in his political party, National Party of Nigeria, said he must contest the Presidency. Thus, the prepared candidates like Alhaji Maitama Sule and Mallam Adamu Ciroma were asked to stomach their ambitions. A trained teacher, Dr. Alex Ekwueme was his deputy. The two of them were saddled with the responsibility of piloting the affairs of the country during the Second Republic. He listed housing, transportation and agriculture as major focus of his administration. Many bogus businessmen benefited from his government by importing cement and rice. He was, however, able to complete the Delta Steel Complex in 1982, and spent hundreds of millions of dollars on the Ajaokuta Steel Rolling Mills. Powerful members of his cabinet like Umaru Dikko, Uba Ahmed, K.O. Mbadiwe hijacked his government from him as he became a member of the audience in his own government.
While members of his government were living in opulence, Shagari later declared austerity measures. Teachers and civil servants were not paid their salaries. There was decline in world oil prices. Religious and political violence enveloped the land. There was restiveness in the land. The allegation of malpractices that greeted the 1983 general elections by Nigerians and members of the opposition political parties heated up the polity. This led to the sacking of the administration by Maj.-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari on December 31, 1983.
Buhari’s regime (Dec. 31, 1983 – Aug. 27, 1985)
As at Dec. 31, 1983, Maj.-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari was the head of the Third Armoured Division of the Army in Jos. The coup that brought him to power was planned and executed by Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Lawan Gwadabe, Joshua Dongoyaro, John Shagaya and many others. Buhari was later named the head of state, while Brig. Tunde Idiagbon was named his deputy. The latter was also the Chief of Staff Supreme Headquarters.
Many of the governors who were overthrown and other government officials were clamped into jail in order for the government to justify their sacking. They were tried with many of them bagging jail terms ranging from 60 years and above. The government later started a campaign against corruption by launching ‘War Against Indiscipline.’ Civil servants who came late to office were humiliated while soldiers, armed with horsewhips, were deployed in bus stops, to ensure orderliness.
The regime, which was considered to be repressive, passed several decrees curbing freedom of movement and suppressing the media. His regime did not forget to deal with Fela, as he was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment on the grounds that he was found with marijuana. His regime was said to be behind the attempt to kidnap Shagari’s former Transportation Minister, Umaru Dikko via a crate marked for shipment to Lagos from the United Kingdom. His government was also accused of breaking its own laws. For example, while it barred under-aged persons from travelling to Mecca on pilgrimage, one of the sons of Idiagbon was said to have flouted the law. He was not penalised.
Buhari’s regime was accused of favouritism, widespread corruption and intolerance of opposing views. This widespread public outcry necessitated a palace coup that led to the overthrow of his government on Aug. 27, 1985.
The evil genius, Ibrahim Babangida steps in (Aug. 27, 1985 – Aug. 26, 1993)
He had taken part in numerous coups. He had installed kings; he had been ruled. Now, it was time for him to rule. Ibrahim Babangida, who was Chief of Army Staff under Buhari, decided to lead a crop of officers to sack his boss. When he assumed office, he deceived Nigerians by abrogating many decrees put in place by his predecessor like the one that curbed the freedom of media. He released many corrupt politicians from jail. He also brought some of the critics of Buhari into his government. Thus, a person like Prof. Olikoye Ransome-Kuti was appointed minister. He promised to hand over power to civilians in 1990. He did not. He also vowed to end human rights abuses, which characterised the regime of Buhari. He added to it. There were so many unresolved political assassinations that happened during his regime. Many Nigerians still hold the notion that his regime was responsible for the killing of the founding Editor-in-Chief of Newswatch magazine, Mr. Dele Giwa.
Babangida devalued the naira, introduced the Structural Adjustment Programme, while his regime made Nigeria a full member of the OIC without consultations. Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe, his Chief of General Staff, was removed for allegedly opposing the move.
On April 22, 1990, Babangida’s government was almost overthrown by a group of young military officers led by Maj. Gideon Okar. He was lucky not to have been caught in the ensuing gun duel between troops loyal to him and the rebels at his presidential lodge in Lagos. The Okar-led gang accused the Babangida government of corruption and autocratic tendencies.
His regime would go down in history as the one that planned the longest botched transition to civil rule programme. After disbanding political parties formed by politicians as directed by his regime on many occasions, he decreed his own two political parties namely the Social Democratic Party and the National Republican Convention. Nigerians still embraced them, thinking that the process would make the dictator to leave power. Though he allowed other elections to hold, Babangida decided to cancel the most important election, the Presidential election, which was presumed to have been won by the candidate of the SDP, the late Chief MKO Abiola. The election was conducted on June 12, 1993.
His action attracted widespread civil disobedience across the country. Babangida’s regime unleashed the soldiers on the helpless Nigerians, killing many. When the protest would not stop, as the people had defied his order calling for fresh elections, he announced that there would be inauguration of an interim government on Aug. 27, 1993. On Aug. 26, amid a new round of strikes and protests that had brought all economic activities in the country to a halt, Babangida declared that he was stepping aside as head of the military government.
His regime established the Peoples Bank of Nigeria, National Directorate of Employment, Federal Road Safety Corps, National Directorate for Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure, Better Life for Rural Women and the National Economic Reconstruction Fund.
Ernest Shonekan’s “army arrangement” moves in (Aug. 26, 1993 – Nov. 17, 1993)
Following the public outcry against his continued stay in office, Babangida, like a thief in the night, moved out of office and installed Chief Ernest Shonekan as the leader of the Interim National Government. Shonekan was brought in to weaken the clamour for Abiola’s presidency. Both men are from the same state, Ogun, in the South-West. Before he was drafted into the Presidency, Shonekan was the head of the largest corporation in Nigeria – Chairman of UAC. He was never in charge throughout the period he was forced on the nation. The protests increased in tempo. Nigerians ignored his attempt at creating new timetable for democratic return. His time was up when a judge of the high court, Justice Dolapo Akinsanya, declared his government illegal. And on Nov. 17, 1993, he was eased out of power by the military headed by his Defence Secretary, Gen. Sani Abacha.
Sani Abacha crawls into office (Nov. 17, 1993 – June 8, 1998)
Like his senior, Abacha did not leave anyone in doubt about his intention to clampdown on the opposition. On Sept. 6, 1994, he declared his regime to be above the laws of the land. His government was known for several repressive measures against the citizens. He was responsible for the hanging of the Ogoni Nine, which included Ken Saro-Wiwa. He also jailed Obasanjo and Yar’Adua, who he accused of trying to overthrow his government. He put Abiola behind the bars. Out of the trio, only Obasanjo came out of prison alive. While Yar’Adua was said to have died as a result of a poisonous injection administered on him, Abiola died after he was served a cup of tea during a meeting to determine his terms of release from prison. Abacha formed a killer squad, which terrorised, killed and oppressed Nigerians, especially those opposed to his style of administration.
Nigerians would remember him for the high level of corruption that bedevilled his government. He and his family members were said to have siphoned about £5bn during his stay in power. One of his sons, Mohammed, was said to have played a key role in the sleaze.
Like Babangida, he deceived Nigerians that he would hand over power to a democratically elected government, but he was working behind the scene to make sure that he was the only presidential candidate of all the five political parties that were registered. It was a relief to Nigerians when his death at the Presidential Villa in Abuja was made known on June 8, 1998.
Abdulsalami Abubakar smuggled into office (June 9, 1998 – May 29, 1999)
fter much consultations among the top military hierarchy, Abacha’s Chief of Defence Staff, Maj.-Gen. Abdulsalam Abubakar, was sworn in as the head of state. Before this time, he had never held any political office. This, perhaps, necessitated his quick announcement of transition to civil rule, which he adhered to. He thus became the second military ruler to hand over power to an elected civilian government in Nigeria.
Obasanjo’s return to power (May 29, 1999 – May 28, 2007)
Of all Nigeria’s leaders, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo could be said to be the luckiest. Languishing in jail for allegedly planning to overthrow the regime of Abacha, Obasanjo was released from prison to contest the Presidency. His backers from the North and the military believed that he was a man they could trust. He was able to defeat the candidate of the other two political parties –the Alliance for Democracy and the All Peoples Party, Chief Olu Falae. Obasanjo was the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party. Obasanjo’s anti-people policies and his refusal to back the clamour for the revalidation of June 12, 1993 presidential election might have been the reason he was rejected at the polls by his kinsmen in the South-West. He fought corruption during his first term in office by establishing anti-corruption agencies. He won accolades from the international community on this, though some of his critics at home said the war was selectively targeted at his political enemies. He, however, had conflict with a lot of people in the government, including his deputy, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. The President battled many impeachment threats by lawmakers, especially those from the House of Representatives.
His regime was credited with growth in the nation’s GDP from three per cent to six per cent. Under him, Nigeria’s foreign reserve rose from $2bn in 1999 to $43bn in 2007. He secured debt pardon for the country to the tune of $18bn and paid another $18bn to be debt free.
Obasanjo’s desire to have a third term in office was thwarted by the lawmakers, especially the Senate. Possibly, in anger, he then decided to impose his friend, Shehu Musa Yar’Adua’s brother, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua as the next President not minding the state of his health.
Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, the reclusive President (May 29, 2007 – May 5, 2010)
Throughout the eight years that he was the governor of Katsina State, Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua was never known to have done anything magical. He was hardly seen in the public due to ill-health. Yar’Adua made history as the first President to have publicly declared his assets. He did that on June 28, 2007. The sheet showed that he had N856,452,892 in assets, N19m of which belonged to his wife. His ill-health did not allow him to enjoy his stay in office as he was always in and out of hospitals. He left Nigeria for Saudi Arabia on Nov. 23, 2009 and was said to be receiving treatment for pericarditis. His absence generated a lot of controversies. The timely resolution made by the Senate and the House of Representatives, which transferred power to Vice-President Goodluck Jonathan in acting capacity quelled the agitation.
On Feb. 24, 2010, Yar’Adua was smuggled back to Abuja. He was not seen in the public. Even Jonathan did not have access to him before he eventually died on May 5, and was buried the following day.
Goodluck Jonathan, the man from Otuoke (May 6, 2010 – till date)
President Goodluck Jonathan is the first minority person to rule from Southern Nigeria. The luck that catapulted him to office was unprecedented in the political history of Nigeria. Jonathan did not struggle for office. His intention was to get a ticket to contest the governorship of his aquatic state, Bayelsa. He had before then, assumed office following the impeachment of his boss, Chief DSP Alamieseigha. But he was picked by Yar’Adua as his running mate. When Yar’Adua died, the lot fell on him to assume office. Jonathan described the circumstances that brought him to office as “very sad and unusual circumstances.” Twelve days after he assumed office, the National Assembly approved Jonathan’s nomination of former Governor of Kaduna State, Alhaji Namadi Sambo, as his deputy. Jonathan made history as the first Nigerian President to announce his intention to run for office via a social media site, when he declared on Facebook on Sept. 15, 2010 that he would be contesting the Presidency. He won the election with 77.7 per cent of valid votes cast.
Despite the overwhelming support given to him by Nigerians, the citizens were shocked when they woke up on Jan. 1, 2012 to hear that their President had removed subsidy from petroleum products despite the arguments against it. Jonathan only backed down after five days of national protests and strikes by announcing the pegging of the price of one litre of petrol at N97. The Presidency had taken other controversial moves, which were considered unpopular. For example, the renaming of the University of Lagos after MKO Abiola had been widely criticised. Apart from non-submission of bills before the National Assembly towards that, he was accused of limiting the late business mogul to his region with the honour.
Nigerians and members of the opposition political parties, including some persons in his political party, the PDP, have accused him of incompetence in the handling of the affairs of the country. Most of the punching has been as a result of his handling of the security situation in the country. Since his assumption of office, many lives have been lost to the series of bombings in some parts of the country, which are being perpetrated by members of the Boko Haram sect. But the President keeps saying his government is on top of the situation.
Reason for motion without movement
Former Abia State Governor Orji Kalu says Nigeria has not been blessed with prepared leaders. For example, he said that what Jonathan “wanted in 2007 was to get a full term in office as governor.” He traced the failure of Nigeria’s socioeconomic development to “unprepared leadership,” lamenting that Nigeria had been beleaguered with disinclined leaders forced upon the people by the ruling elite. Tracing the emergence of Nigeria’s past heads of state and presidents, Kalu said past leaders such as Maj.-Gen. JTU Aguiyi-Ironsi, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, Alhaji Shehu Shagari, Chief Ernest Shonekan, Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua, and Jonathan were all unprepared for the arduous task of leading the country.
For how long will the ruling class continue to force unwilling persons on the majority? Will the gambling continue as the nation gradually prepares for another round of elections in 2015? It is a matter of time if the political gambling will continue or not.